JEFFREY GOLDBERG: I want to turn to -- first to the war on Ukraine.

We'll get to a hundred days issues in a minute, but I want to start with Ukraine and I want to remind you at home about Trump's evolving views on ending the war that Russia started against Ukraine.

I want you to listen in.

DONALD TRUMP, U.S. President: Before I even arrive at the Oval Office, I will have the disastrous war between Russia and Ukraine settled.

You're not in a good position.

You don't have the cards right now.

With us, you start having cars.

You're gambling with the lives of millions of people.

You're gambling with World War III.

MARCO RUBIO, Secretary of State: If they're serious about peace, either side or both, we want to help.

If it's not going to happen, then we're just going to move on.

DONALD TRUMP: You have no idea what pressure I'm putting, right?

We're putting a lot of pressure.

REPORTER: Can you maybe tell us -- DONALD TRUMP: We're putting a lot of pressure on Russia.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: And then just as one additional note, Trump posted this on Truth Social on Thursday, quote, I am not happy with the Russian strikes on Kyiv.

There was a fatal attack.

It was the night before.

Not necessary and very bad timing.

And this is the notable part, Vladimir, stop, all capital letters, stop.

5,000 soldiers a week are dying.

Let's get the peace deal done, all caps.

Steve you've covered foreign affairs for a while and American presidents in their role in the world.

Have you ever seen this approach telling Vladimir Putin to stop?

And do you think that this has any effect, whatsoever?

STEPHEN HAYES, Editor, The Dispatch: I don't think he's likely to stop.

STEPHEN HAYES: No.

I mean, what was notable about that actually, I think, is what preceded it.

Remember going back to Easter weekend, Vladimir Putin declared a ceasefire, then violated the ceasefire, promptly didn't adhere to his own ceasefire, and Donald Trump put out a statement two days later blasting Volodymyr Zelinsky as the problem, as the obstacle here, which was sort of typical of the way that Trump has talked about the conflict from the beginning.

He very clearly blames the Ukrainians and hasn't been critical of Vladimir Putin.

I thought that was the sort of harshest criticism we've seen of Vladimir Putin from Donald Trump, but I don't think it was very substantive.

I think he was sort of embarrassed into having to say something because Putin continues to attack despite the fact that Donald Trump says he wants peace.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Kaitlan, how far can Vladimir Putin push Trump before he actually takes Ukraine's side?

KAITLAN COLLINS, Anchor and Chief White House Correspondent, CNN: I think if you ask that question in January or February, it would be different.

I'm not sure he'll ever take Ukraine's side.

I mean, there is such bad blood between President Trump and President Zelenskyy.

But as he is getting closer to his 100 days, he is becoming a lot more frustrated with President Putin, and especially given those strikes.

I mean, that message yesterday was incredibly personal, telling him in those two words to stop.

And so I think this is the real question at this moment, is how frustrated he is by this.

But I think the reality is it's proving a lot harder to solve than he thought, I mean, he just told TIME Magazine that it was in jest and that he was just being figurative when he was repeatedly saying that he could solve the war in Ukraine in 24 hours.

Obviously, we're approaching day 100 and they have not brokered a peace agreement.

And so it's a real question in terms of his frustration, how that changes this process, but most people seem to think if they walk away from the negotiations, it only benefits Russia here.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Right.

Asma, at what point does this administration throw up its hands and what's the consequence of throwing its hands up?

ASMA KHALID, White House Correspondent, NPR: So, at what point they do.

I think they're certainly inching closer to suggesting they're going to do that, though I think that's also somewhat of a negotiating tactic to build the pressure on both Ukraine and Russia.

In terms of what the consequences are, look, I mean, I think it would be extremely devastating for Ukraine if the U.S. were to walk away.

The United States has been a major military supplier, a major aid supporter throughout this entire conflict now.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: And you think walking away in this context would mean cutting off arms sales?

ASMA KHALID: I think that's certainly what the president has suggested.

There might be some Republican lawmakers willing to defy him and push back.

But the reason I think it could be so devastating is, thus far, in this first 100 days, we have seen, by and large, most Republican lawmakers fall in line with what the president has wanted to do.

So, my question is, why would Ukraine be the one exception?

He campaigned on ending this war.

I mean, to Kaitlan's point, he said he'd do it on day one.

And I was struck by that comment too, where he says, no, I was saying that figuratively.

And the reason he's trying to sort of backpedal on this now is, look, domestically, many of his supporters want this war to be over.

Polling has shown that this is not a popular war in terms of the base of the Republican Party.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: When he said that in the campaign, I took it -- I mean, I didn't take it literally, but I think he meant it literally he was going to end the war.

Was that fair?

KAITLAN COLLINS: I think he thought he could get it done even maybe before he took office.

I mean, look at what happened with the war in Gaza and negotiating a hostage release in that situation.

He thought and has always argued that he's the best dealmaker, the best negotiator that he could get to Putin.

And, of course, Putin experts have said all along, he's playing you.

You know, they're just using tactics that they've always employed to try to convince him that he is the one here, when, really, you know, what other world leaders have been telling Trump is that Putin is stalling and delaying and using this negotiation to just carry out his goals in Ukraine.

STEPHEN HAYES: I think if you're Donald Trump and, you know, coming in that you're prepared to make multiple concessions to Vladimir Putin and to Russia, you think I'm going to be generous to Putin.

He'll agree to do this and we will cut off with or threaten to cut off arms to Ukraine, I can do this quickly.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: This is a kind of a classic, we see this in foreign policy throughout history, Americans projecting their own deal-making pragmatic selves onto people who are highly ideological.

STEPHEN HAYES: Yes, I think it is, but it's even sort of more so because it's Donald Trump.

It's his own personal sense of his deal-making abilities, you know, literally wrote or has his name on the Art of the Deal.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Right.

And, Ashley, one more question on this.

Just remind us why there's such bad blood between Trump and Zelenskyy, or probably the more accurate way of putting this is why does Trump dislike the man so much?

ASHLEY PARKER: I mean, absolutely.

You saw a bit of that in the Oval Office where he kicked Zelenskyy out and basically said, you don't have the cards.

But what Donald Trump's operating principle is, you know, he does not want America to be getting taken advantage of.

He has no belief in sort of soft power or, you know, exporting democracy abroad or doing anything that is not a very clear quid pro quo.

And his sense is the United States has sent billions of dollars to Ukraine and what are we getting in return and why isn't Zelenskyy more grateful?

And that is what he is conveying.

There is no sense of Russia invaded, with no provocation, a smaller country, and it is part of the United States' role as a moral leader, democratic leader in the world, to defend, and just we've sent you all this money and why can't you be more appreciative?

KAITLAN COLLINS: I also think Trump views it very much in the lens that he's viewed a lot of things, winners and losers, right?

He does not view Zelenskyy as a winner.

I mean, he's irritated with him because he feels like he got impeached over him in his first term, but he does not view him as a winner.

He has been told by allies, Ukraine cannot win this war.

And once that is in his brain, I mean, he's like, of course, you have to settle because you're going to lose, right?

Why you -- STEPHEN HAYES: And Zelenskyy defied him.

Trump asked -- I mean, it was a quid pro quo.

Trump asked Zelenskyy to launch an investigation of Joe Biden who was the going to be running for president against Donald Trump.

And Zelenskyy said, no.

Zelenskyy wouldn't do it.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: It is so interesting.

It's probably a topic for a PhD thesis, not this panel discussion, but it's so interesting, Steve and I have been thinking about these things for years together, to shift from McCainism to Trumpism in the Republican Party.

McCain was -- these are the stalwart heroes who are standing up against the bullies, and that was the ethos of the Republican Party.

And now the ethos of the Republican Party is great powers.

Everybody else who is in the orbit of a great power just suffers.

You know, we've left the McCainism so far in.

STEPHEN HAYES: Yes.

I mean, the ethos is, sadly, we are the bully and we're unapologetic about it.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Right.